2012-07-27 12:59:12
Μετά τον Β΄Παγκόσμιο Πόλεμο, η χρήση βίας κατεδικάσθη παγκοσμίως και εστιγματίσθη ως το υπέρτατο έγκλημα[1]. Με μόνον δύο εξαιρέσεις: είτε αυτοάμυνας, είτε αποφάσεως του Συμβουλίου Aσφαλείας (ΣΑ) του ΟΗΕ.
Εφόσον ουδόλως απειλήθηκε ή υπέστη επίθεση από την ΚΔ και εφόσον ουδόλως εξουσιοδοτήθηκε από το ΣΑ του ΟΗΕ, ουδόλως νομιμοποιείται η Τουρκία δια την χρήση στρατιωτικής βίας κατά της εδαφικής ακεραιότητος και της πολιτικής ανεξαρτησίας της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας (ΚΔ).
Ούτε βεβαίως η επίκληση της Συνθήκης Εγγυήσεως δύναται να νομιμοποιήσει την τουρκική εισβολή. Ακόμη και εάν χάριν υποθέσεως ερμηνεύθη ή παρερμηνεύθη, ερμηνεύεται ή παρερμηνεύεται ότι η Τουρκία είχε ή έχει την «άδεια» ή την «υποχρέωση» έναντι της Συνθήκης Εγγυήσεως του 1960 (ως εγγυήτρια δύναμη) να επέμβει εξ οιασδήποτε αφορμής ή αιτίας κατά της εδαφικής ακεραιότητος ή της πολιτικής ανεξαρτησίας της ΚΔ, ως προκύπτει από το Άρθρο 103[2] του Καταστατικού Χάρτη, αυτή η «άδεια» ή η «υποχρέωση» ήτο και είναι άκυρη και παράνομη καθότι συγκρούεται με την υπερισχύουσα υποχρέωση έναντι του Άρθρου 2(4) του Καταστατικού Χάρτη, το οποίον απαγορεύει την χρήση βίας κατά της εδαφικής ακεραιότητος ή πολιτικής ανεξαρτησίας οιουδήποτε κράτους.
Ο ισχυρισμός ότι, εξ αφορμής της εκδηλώσεως του πραξικοπήματος της Χούντας των Αθηνών και της υφαρπαγής της εκτελεστικής εξουσίας (επί οκταήμερον) από τους χουντικούς πραξικοπηματίες και τους εγκαθέτους των, ο διαφυγών την αιχμαλωσία και τον θάνατο τότε Πρόεδρος της ΚΔ, Αρχιεπίσκοπος Μακάριος, στην ομιλία της 19ης Ιουλίου 1974 [ίδε Παράρτημα] ενώπιον του ΣΑ του ΟΗΕ, εκάλεσε την Τουρκία να επέμβει[3] στην νήσο, είναι παντελώς αστήρικτος. Άν και υπάρχουν εδάφια στην ομιλία τα οποία θα μπορούσε να διατυπωθούν διαφορετικά ή και να απαλειφθούν, ούτως ώστε να μη δοθεί η αφορμή στην Τουρκία να τα εκμεταλλευθεί (ως προς τις εντυπώσεις και όχι ως προς την ουσία), ουδόλως υπάρχει οπουδήποτε στην ομιλία του τότε Προέδρου της ΚΔ οιαδήποτε νύξη ή υπόνοια (άμεση ή έμμεση) δια έκκληση προς την Τουρκία δια να επέμβει[4]. Ο Αρχιεπίσκοπος Μακάριος εκαλούσε (στην ομιλία του) το ΣΑ του ΟΗΕ να πράξει παν το δυνατό δια να τερματίσει την ανώμαλη κατάσταση, το εκαλούσε να δώσει ένα τέλος στην εισβολή («invasion») όπως είχε αποκαλέσει την πραξικοπηματική δράση της Χούντας των Αθηνών, το εκαλούσε να τερματίσει την παραβίαση της ανεξαρτησίας της ΚΔ και να αποκαταστήσει την συνταγματική τάξη και τα δημοκρατικά δικαιώματα των πολιτών της ΚΔ. Το ΣΑ βεβαίως, ως μόνον αρμόδιον όργανο παγκοσμίως, ουδεμίαν εξουσιοδότηση έδωσε προς την Τουρκίαν ή προς οιονδήποτε άλλο κράτος δια να επέμβει/εισβάλει στην νήσο. Μετά μερικές ώρες από την έναρξη της τουρκικής εισβολής (στις 20 Ιουλίου), το ΣΑ εκαλούσε (στο ψήφισμα 353(1974-07-20)) πάντα τα κράτη να σεβασθούν την ανεξαρτησία, κυριαρχία και εδαφική ακεραιότητα της ΚΔ και απαιτούσε τον άμεσο τερματισμό της «ξένης στρατιωτικής επεμβάσεως» («foreign military intervention»). Δηλαδή, το ΣΑ ενώ ουδόλως είχε εξουσιοδοτήσει προηγουμένως την Τουρκία να επέμβει εξ αφορμής του πραξικοπήματος, λίγες ώρες μετά την έναρξη της τουρκικής εισβολής απαιτούσε τον άμεσο τερματισμό της, καθώς και τον τερματισμό της χουντικής «intervention».
Την 23η Ιουλίου, αφού εξεπλήρωσε την υπέρτατή του αποστολή καθιστώντας την ΚΔ με το πραξικόπημα ανοχύρωτη πολιτεία και προσφέροντάς την με το άνοιγμα των πυλών βορά στην καραδοκούσα Τουρκία, το αθηναϊκό χουντικό καθεστώς «αυτοδιελύθη» (τη υποδείξει των εκτός Ελλάδος εντολέων του) και η χουντική «intervention» ετερματίσθη με την αποχώρηση του εγκαθέτου των πραξικοπηματιών Νικολάου Σαμψών από την (επι οκταήμερον) υφηρπασθείσα Προεδρία της ΚΔ. Η τουρκική «intervention» όμως συνεχίζεται μέχρι σήμερα[5]...
Σωτήρης Κωνσταντίνου
2012-07-27
Παράρτημα - Ομιλία Αρχιεπισκόπου Μακαρίου στο ΣΑ του ΟΗΕ (την 19η Ιουλίου, 1974)
http://www.cypnet.co.uk/ncyprus/history/republic/makarios-speech.html#speech
The Speech by Makarios Delivered before the UN Security Council
on 19 July 1974
President Makarios: I would like at the outset to express my warmest thanks to the members of the Security Council for the keen interest they have shown in the critical situation created in Cyprus after the coup, which was organised by the military regime of Greece and was put into effect by the Greek officers serving in and commanding the Cyprus National Guard. I am particularly grateful that the Security Council has agreed to postpone its meeting until my arrival here to give me the opportunity of addressing it on the recent dramatic events in Cyprus.
What has been happening in Cyprus since last Monday morning is a real tragedy. The military regime of Greece has callously violated the independence of Cyprus. Without trace of respect for the democratic rights of the Cypriot people, without trace of respect for the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus, the Greek junta has extended its dictatorship to Cyprus. It is indeed a fact that for some time now their intention was becoming obvious. The people of Cyprus had for a long time feeling that a coup by the Greek junta was brewing, and this feeling became more intense during the recent weeks when the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B', directed from Athens, had renewed its wave of violence.
I knew all along that the illegal organisation had its roots and supply resources in Athens. I became aware that the Greek officers staffing and commanding the National Guard were recruiting members for that organisation, and they supported it in various ways to the point of access to the munition supply stores of the National Guard. In the camps of the National Guard, the Greek officers were conducting open propaganda in favour of that illegal organisation and turned the National Guard from an organ of the state into an instrument of subversion. Whenever, from time to time, I complained to Athens about unbecoming conduct by Greek officers of the National Guard, the reply was that if I had concrete evidence in proof thereof those found guilty would be recalled. From the whole tenor of their attitude, I received the unmistakable impression that their standard response was a pretence of innocence. A few days ago documents came into the hands of the Cyprus police clearly proving that 'EOKA B' was an appendage of the Athens regime.
Funds were being remitted from Athens for the upkeep of this organisation and detailed directives regarding its actions were also given to it. I then found it necessary myself to address a letter to the President of the Greek regime, General Gizikis, asking him to give orders for the cessation of the violence and bloodshed by 'EOKA B' and for its dissolution. I also requested him to recall the Greek officers serving with the National Guard, adding that my intention was to reduce the numerical strength of this force and to turn it into an organ of the Cyprus State. I was waiting for a reply. My impression was that the Athens regime did not favour the reduction of the force, much less the withdrawal of the Greek officers.
The Greek Ambassador in Cyprus called on me, on instructions from his Government, in order to explain to me that the decrease in the numerical strength of the National Guard or the withdrawal of the Greek officers would weaken the defence of Cyprus in case of danger from Turkey. This was an argument which, even though it appeared logical, was not convincing because I knew that behind this argument other interests were hidden. I replied that as things developed I consider the danger from Turkey of a lesser degree than the danger from them. And it was proved that my fears were justified.
On Saturday, 13 July, a conference under the presidency of General Gizikis was held in Athens, which lasted for many hours. It was attended by the Greek Chief of Staff of the armed forces, the Ambassador of Greece to Cyprus, the commander of the National Guard with the purpose of discussing the content of my letter. As was stated in a relevant communiqué' issued at the end of this conference, it was to be reconvened on Monday, 15 July. The reference in the communiqué' to a second conference was deceiving. For a while on Monday I was waiting for a reply to my letter, the reply came, and it was the coup.
On that day, I returned from my summerhouse on the Troodos Mountains, where I had spent the weekend, and by 8 a.m. I was at my office at the Presidential Palace. Half an hour later I was welcoming in the reception room a group of boys and girls, members of the Greek Orthodox Youth from Cairo who came to Cyprus as my guests for a five days. Hardly had I greeted them when the first shots were heard. Within seconds the shots became more frequent and a member of the Presidential Guard informed me that armoured cars and tanks had passed the fence and were already in the yard of the Presidential Palace, which was shaking from mortar shells. The situation soon became critical I tried to call the Cyprus radio station for the purpose of issuing a special broadcast announcing that the Presidential Palace was under attack, but I realised that the lines were cut off. Heavy shelling was ever increasing. How my life was saved seemed like a providential miracle. When I eventually found myself in the area of Paphos, I addressed the people of Cyprus from a local radio station informing them that I am alive and that will struggle with them against the dictatorship, which the Greek regime is trying to impose.
I do not intend to occupy the time of the members of the Security Council with my personal adventure. I simply wish to add that during the second day of the armed attack the armoured cars and tanks were moving towards Paphos, while at the same time a small warship of the National Guard began shelling the Bishophric of Paphos where I was staying. Under the circumstances, I found it advisable to leave Cyprus rather than fall into the hands of the Greek junta.
I am grateful to the British Government, which made available a helicopter to pick me up from Paphos, transfer me to the British bases, and from there by plane to Malta and London. I am also grateful to the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and to the Commander of the Peace-Keeping Force in Cyprus for the interest, which they had shown for my safety. My presence in this room of the Security Council was made possible thanks to the help given to me by the British Government and the representatives of the Secretary-General, Dr. Waldheim, whose keen concern for me and for the critical situation which developed in Cyprus moves every fibre of my heart.
I do not know as yet all the details of the Cyprus crisis caused by the Greek military regime. I am afraid that the number of casualties is large and that the material destruction is heavy. What is, however, our primary concern at present is the ending of the tragedy.
When I reached London, I was informed of the content of the speech of the representative of the Greek junta to the United Nations. I was surprised at the way they are trying to deceive world public opinion. Without a blush, the Greek junta is making efforts to simplify the situation, claiming that it is not involved in the armed attack and that the developments of the last few days are an internal matter of the Greek Cypriots.
I do not believe that there are people who accept the allegations of the Greek military regime. The coup did not come about under such circumstances as to be considered an internal matter of the Greek Cypriots. It is clearly an invasion from outside, in flagrant violation of the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus. The so-called coup was the work of the Greek officers staffing and commanding the National Guard. I must also underline the fact that the Greek contingent, composed of 950 officers and men stationed in Cyprus by virtue of the Treaty of Alliance, played a predominant role in this aggressive affair against Cyprus. The capture of the airport outside the capital was carried out by officers and men of the Greek contingent campaign near the airport.
It is enough to state on this point that certain photographs appearing in the world press show armoured vehicles and tanks belonging to the Greek contingent in Cyprus. On the other hand, the Greek officers serving with the National Guard were directing the operations. In these operations, they recruited many members of the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B', whom they armed with weapons of the National Guard.
If the Greek officers serving in the National Guard were not involved, how does one explain the fact that among the casualties in battle were Greek officers whose remains were transported to Greece and buried there? If Greek officers did not carry out the coup, how does one explain the fact of night flights of Greek aircraft transporting to Cyprus personnel in civilian clothes and taking back to Greece dead and wounded men? There is no doubt that the coup was organised by the Greek junta and was carried out by the Greek officers commanding the National Guard and by the officers and men of the Greek contingent stationed in Cyprus - and it was reported as such by the press around the globe.
The coup caused much bloodshed and took a great toll of human lives. It was faced with the determined resistance of the legal security forces and the resistance of the Greek people of Cyprus. I can say with certainty that the resistance and the reaction of the Greek Cypriot people against the conspirators will not end until there is a restoration of their freedom and democratic rights. The Cypriot people will never bow to dictatorship, even though for the moment the brutal force of the armoured cars and tanks may have prevailed.
After the coup, the agents of the Greek regime in Cyprus appointed a well-known gun-man, Nicos Samson as President, who in turn appointed as ministers known elements and supporters of the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B'.
It may be alleged that what took place in Cyprus is a revolution and that a Government was established based on revolutionary law. This is not the case. No revolution took place in Cyprus, which could be considered as an internal matter. It was an invasion, which violated the independence and the sovereignty of the Republic. And the invasion is continuing so long as there are Greek officers in Cyprus. The results of this invasion will be catalytic for Cyprus if there is no return to constitutional normality and if democratic freedoms are not restored.
For the purpose of misleading world public opinion, the military regime of Greece announced yesterday the gradual replacement of the Greek officers of the National Guard. But the issue is not their replacement; the issue is their withdrawal. The gesture of replacement has the meaning of admission that the Greek officers now serving in the National Guard were those who carried out the coup. Those officers, however, did not act on their own initiative but upon instructions from Athens, and their replacements will also follow instructions from the Athens regime. Thus the National Guard will always remain an instrument of the Greek military regime, and I am certain that the members of the Security Council understand this ploy.
It may be said that it was the Cyprus Government, which invited the Greek officers to staff the National Guard. I regret to say that it was a mistake on my part to bestow upon them so much trust and confidence. They abused that trust and confidence and, instead of helping in the defence of the Island's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, they themselves became the aggressors.
I am obliged to say that the policy of the military regime in Greece towards Cyprus, and particularly towards the Greek Cypriots, has been insincere. I wish to stress that it was a policy of duplicity.
For some time talks were going on between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots in search of a peaceful solution to the Cyprus problem, which on many occasions has occupied the time of the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations. The representative of the Secretary General and two constitutional experts from Greece and Turkey have been attending the talks. The Security Council has repeatedly renewed, twice yearly, the mandate of the peace-keeping force in Cyprus, expressing every time hope for a speedy solution of the problem.
It cannot be said that up to now the progress of the talks has been satisfactory. But how could there be any progress in the talks while the policy on Cyprus of the regime in Athens has been double-faced? It was agreed by all the parties concerned that the talks were taking place on the basis of independence. The regime of Athens also agreed to that, and time and again the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs declared that the position of Greece on this issue was clear. If that were the case, why had the military regime of Greece created and supported the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B', whose purpose was stated to be the union of Cyprus with Greece and whose members called themselves 'unionists'?
Inside the camps of the National Guard, the Greek officers continually charged that while Enosis was feasible its realisation was undermined by me. When reminded that Greece had made its position clear on this and that it supported independence, their reply was that no attention should be given to the words of diplomats. Under such circumstances how was it possible for the talks to arrive at a positive result? The double-faced policy of the Greek regime was one of the main obstacles to the progress of the talks.
In the circumstances that have now been created in Cyprus, I cannot foresee the prospects of the talks. I would rather say that there are no prospects at all. An agreement that may be reached by the talks would be devoid of any value because there is no elected leadership to deal with the matter. The coup d'etat of the military regime of Greece constitutes an arrest of the progress of the talks towards a solution.
Moreover, it will be a continuous source of anomaly in Cyprus, the repercussions of which will be very grave and far reaching, if this situation is permitted to continue even for a short time.
I appeal to the members of the Security Council to do their utmost to put an end to this anomalous situation, which was created by the coup of Athens. I call upon the Security Council to use all ways and means at its disposal so that the constitutional order in Cyprus and the democratic rights of the people of Cyprus can be reinstated without delay.
As I have already stated, the events in Cyprus do not constitute an internal matter of the Greeks of Cyprus. The Turks of Cyprus are also affected. The coup of the Greek junta is an invasion, and from its consequences the whole people of Cyprus suffers, both Greeks and Turks.The United Nations has a peace-keeping force stationed in Cyprus. It is not possible for the role of that peace-keeping force to be effective under conditions of a military coup. The Security Council should call upon the military regime of Greece to withdraw from Cyprus the Greek officers serving in the National Guard, and to put an end to its invasion of Cyprus.
I think that, with what I have placed before you, I have given a picture of the situation. I have no doubt that an appropriate decision of the Security Council will put an end to the invasion and restore the violated independence of Cyprus and the democratic rights of the Cypriot people.
[1] Άρθρο 2(4) του Καταστατικού Χάρτη του ΟΗΕ (το οποίον αποτελεί αναγκαστικό (jus cogens) έναντι πάντων (erga omnes) κανόνα του διεθνούς δικαίου) και Άρθρο 6, Δίκη της Νυρεμβέργης, Χάρτης Διεθνούς Στρατοδικείου.
[2] Άρθρο 103 του Καταστατικού Χάρτη του ΟΗΕ: Σε περίπτωση κατά την οποίαν υπάρχει σύγκρουση μεταξύ των υποχρεώσεων των κρατών μελών του ΟΗΕ έναντι του Καταστατικού Χάρτη του ΟΗΕ και των υποχρεώσεών των έναντι οιασδήποτε άλλης διεθνούς συμφωνίας, οι υποχρεώσεις των κρατών μελών έναντι του Καταστατικού Χάρτη υπερισχύουν. [Charter of the UN, Article 103: In the event of a conflict between the obligations of the Members of the United Nations under the present Charter and their obligations under any other international agreement, their obligations under the present Charter shall prevail.]
[3] Ο τουρκικός στόλος ευρίσκετο ήδη εν πλώ προς την Κύπρο προ της ενάρξεως της ομιλίας του Αρχιεπισκόπου Μακαρίου ενώπιον του ΣΑ του ΟΗΕ.
[4] Κατά την ιστορική διαδρομή του Αρχιεπισκόπου Μακαρίου, εκτός από επιτεύγματα υπέρ των Ελλήνων της Κύπρου (όπως π.χ. η στρατιωτική νίκη κατά της τουρκανταρσίας/επιδρομής και η εν συνεχεία διπλωματική νίκη κατά της Τουρκίας και της δορυφόρου της, «τουρκοκυπριακής» ηγεσίας, με την έκδοση του ψηφίσματος 186(1964)* από το ΣΑ του ΟΗΕ), έχουν καταγραφεί και πράξεις ή παραλήψεις οι οποίες έχουν αποβεί εις βάρος των. Όπως π.χ. η μη πρόληψη και μη αποτροπή του πραξικοπήματος, καθώς και η παγίδευση σε «διακοινοτικές συνομιλίες» το 1977 (και μάλιστα του ιδίου του Προέδρου της ΚΔ αυτοπροσώπως ως συνομιλητού) και η «αποδοχή» στις «διακοινοτικές συνομιλίες» της «ανεξαρτήτου και αδεσμεύτου δικοινοτικής ομοσπόνδου δημοκρατίας», η οποία βεβαίως «αποδοχή» ωχριά εν σχέσει με τις θέσεις/παραχωρήσεις/κατολισθήσεις** των Βασιλείου, Κληρίδη, Χριστόφια. Ο ισχυρισμός όμως ότι ο Αρχιεπίσκοπος Μακάριος εκάλεσε την Τουρκία να επέμβει στην νήσο είναι παντελώς αστήρικτος και εξυπηρετεί το τουρκικό επιτελείο παραπληροφορήσεως και διαστρεβλώσεως της ιστορικής αληθείας προς όφελος της Τουρκίας.
* Η ΚΔ κατοχυρώθη ως κυρίαρχο και ανεξάρτητο κράτος μέλος του ΟΗΕ με το ψήφισμα 186 (1964) του ΣΑ του ΟΗΕ, παρά την αποχώρηση των «Τουρκοκυπρίων» από την κυβέρνηση της ΚΔ μετά την εκδήλωση κατά τον Δεκέμβριο του 1963 της εκ προμελέτης (οργανωμένης και καθοδηγουμένης από την Τουρκίαν) αποτυχημένης ανταρσίας/επιδρομής των, η οποία απεσκόπη (σε πρώτο στάδιο) στην διάλυση της ΚΔ και στον έλεγχο μεγάλων εδαφικών εκτάσεων και επίτευξη της διχοτομήσεως της νήσου. Με την υιοθέτηση του εν λόγω ψηφίσματος από το ΣΑ του ΟΗΕ κατερρίφθη επίσης και ο ισχυρισμός της Τουρκίας και της εκ της ιδίας πλήρως ελεγχομένης «τουρκοκυπριακής» ηγεσίας, ότι δήθεν η ΚΔ απετέλη μόρφωμα «συνεταιρισμού» και εφόσον ο ένας εκ των δύο συνεταίρων απεχώρησε, (το μόρφωμα «συνεταιρισμού») δεν υφίστατο πλέον.
** Η διάπραξη του σφάλματος της «αποδοχής» της «ανεξαρτήτου και αδεσμεύτου δικοινοτικής ομοσπόνδου δημοκρατίας» το 1977 ουδόλως δικαιολογεί την υποτροποίαση και διαιώνισή του και ουδόλως δικαιολογεί την μη διόρθωσή του, ιδίως μάλιστα εν έτι 2012 σε πλήρως διαφορετικές συνθήκες.
[5] Δύο ημέρες μετά την έναρξη της «2ας φάσεως» της τουρκικής εισβολής υπήρξε και νέα ρητή καταδίκη από το ΣΑ του ΟΗΕ στο ψήφισμα 360(1974-08-16): «The Security Council… records its formal disapproval of the unilateral military actions undertaken against the Republic of Cyprus. …»
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InfoGnomon
Εφόσον ουδόλως απειλήθηκε ή υπέστη επίθεση από την ΚΔ και εφόσον ουδόλως εξουσιοδοτήθηκε από το ΣΑ του ΟΗΕ, ουδόλως νομιμοποιείται η Τουρκία δια την χρήση στρατιωτικής βίας κατά της εδαφικής ακεραιότητος και της πολιτικής ανεξαρτησίας της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας (ΚΔ).
Ούτε βεβαίως η επίκληση της Συνθήκης Εγγυήσεως δύναται να νομιμοποιήσει την τουρκική εισβολή. Ακόμη και εάν χάριν υποθέσεως ερμηνεύθη ή παρερμηνεύθη, ερμηνεύεται ή παρερμηνεύεται ότι η Τουρκία είχε ή έχει την «άδεια» ή την «υποχρέωση» έναντι της Συνθήκης Εγγυήσεως του 1960 (ως εγγυήτρια δύναμη) να επέμβει εξ οιασδήποτε αφορμής ή αιτίας κατά της εδαφικής ακεραιότητος ή της πολιτικής ανεξαρτησίας της ΚΔ, ως προκύπτει από το Άρθρο 103[2] του Καταστατικού Χάρτη, αυτή η «άδεια» ή η «υποχρέωση» ήτο και είναι άκυρη και παράνομη καθότι συγκρούεται με την υπερισχύουσα υποχρέωση έναντι του Άρθρου 2(4) του Καταστατικού Χάρτη, το οποίον απαγορεύει την χρήση βίας κατά της εδαφικής ακεραιότητος ή πολιτικής ανεξαρτησίας οιουδήποτε κράτους.
Ο ισχυρισμός ότι, εξ αφορμής της εκδηλώσεως του πραξικοπήματος της Χούντας των Αθηνών και της υφαρπαγής της εκτελεστικής εξουσίας (επί οκταήμερον) από τους χουντικούς πραξικοπηματίες και τους εγκαθέτους των, ο διαφυγών την αιχμαλωσία και τον θάνατο τότε Πρόεδρος της ΚΔ, Αρχιεπίσκοπος Μακάριος, στην ομιλία της 19ης Ιουλίου 1974 [ίδε Παράρτημα] ενώπιον του ΣΑ του ΟΗΕ, εκάλεσε την Τουρκία να επέμβει[3] στην νήσο, είναι παντελώς αστήρικτος. Άν και υπάρχουν εδάφια στην ομιλία τα οποία θα μπορούσε να διατυπωθούν διαφορετικά ή και να απαλειφθούν, ούτως ώστε να μη δοθεί η αφορμή στην Τουρκία να τα εκμεταλλευθεί (ως προς τις εντυπώσεις και όχι ως προς την ουσία), ουδόλως υπάρχει οπουδήποτε στην ομιλία του τότε Προέδρου της ΚΔ οιαδήποτε νύξη ή υπόνοια (άμεση ή έμμεση) δια έκκληση προς την Τουρκία δια να επέμβει[4]. Ο Αρχιεπίσκοπος Μακάριος εκαλούσε (στην ομιλία του) το ΣΑ του ΟΗΕ να πράξει παν το δυνατό δια να τερματίσει την ανώμαλη κατάσταση, το εκαλούσε να δώσει ένα τέλος στην εισβολή («invasion») όπως είχε αποκαλέσει την πραξικοπηματική δράση της Χούντας των Αθηνών, το εκαλούσε να τερματίσει την παραβίαση της ανεξαρτησίας της ΚΔ και να αποκαταστήσει την συνταγματική τάξη και τα δημοκρατικά δικαιώματα των πολιτών της ΚΔ. Το ΣΑ βεβαίως, ως μόνον αρμόδιον όργανο παγκοσμίως, ουδεμίαν εξουσιοδότηση έδωσε προς την Τουρκίαν ή προς οιονδήποτε άλλο κράτος δια να επέμβει/εισβάλει στην νήσο. Μετά μερικές ώρες από την έναρξη της τουρκικής εισβολής (στις 20 Ιουλίου), το ΣΑ εκαλούσε (στο ψήφισμα 353(1974-07-20)) πάντα τα κράτη να σεβασθούν την ανεξαρτησία, κυριαρχία και εδαφική ακεραιότητα της ΚΔ και απαιτούσε τον άμεσο τερματισμό της «ξένης στρατιωτικής επεμβάσεως» («foreign military intervention»). Δηλαδή, το ΣΑ ενώ ουδόλως είχε εξουσιοδοτήσει προηγουμένως την Τουρκία να επέμβει εξ αφορμής του πραξικοπήματος, λίγες ώρες μετά την έναρξη της τουρκικής εισβολής απαιτούσε τον άμεσο τερματισμό της, καθώς και τον τερματισμό της χουντικής «intervention».
Την 23η Ιουλίου, αφού εξεπλήρωσε την υπέρτατή του αποστολή καθιστώντας την ΚΔ με το πραξικόπημα ανοχύρωτη πολιτεία και προσφέροντάς την με το άνοιγμα των πυλών βορά στην καραδοκούσα Τουρκία, το αθηναϊκό χουντικό καθεστώς «αυτοδιελύθη» (τη υποδείξει των εκτός Ελλάδος εντολέων του) και η χουντική «intervention» ετερματίσθη με την αποχώρηση του εγκαθέτου των πραξικοπηματιών Νικολάου Σαμψών από την (επι οκταήμερον) υφηρπασθείσα Προεδρία της ΚΔ. Η τουρκική «intervention» όμως συνεχίζεται μέχρι σήμερα[5]...
Σωτήρης Κωνσταντίνου
2012-07-27
Παράρτημα - Ομιλία Αρχιεπισκόπου Μακαρίου στο ΣΑ του ΟΗΕ (την 19η Ιουλίου, 1974)
http://www.cypnet.co.uk/ncyprus/history/republic/makarios-speech.html#speech
The Speech by Makarios Delivered before the UN Security Council
on 19 July 1974
President Makarios: I would like at the outset to express my warmest thanks to the members of the Security Council for the keen interest they have shown in the critical situation created in Cyprus after the coup, which was organised by the military regime of Greece and was put into effect by the Greek officers serving in and commanding the Cyprus National Guard. I am particularly grateful that the Security Council has agreed to postpone its meeting until my arrival here to give me the opportunity of addressing it on the recent dramatic events in Cyprus.
What has been happening in Cyprus since last Monday morning is a real tragedy. The military regime of Greece has callously violated the independence of Cyprus. Without trace of respect for the democratic rights of the Cypriot people, without trace of respect for the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus, the Greek junta has extended its dictatorship to Cyprus. It is indeed a fact that for some time now their intention was becoming obvious. The people of Cyprus had for a long time feeling that a coup by the Greek junta was brewing, and this feeling became more intense during the recent weeks when the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B', directed from Athens, had renewed its wave of violence.
I knew all along that the illegal organisation had its roots and supply resources in Athens. I became aware that the Greek officers staffing and commanding the National Guard were recruiting members for that organisation, and they supported it in various ways to the point of access to the munition supply stores of the National Guard. In the camps of the National Guard, the Greek officers were conducting open propaganda in favour of that illegal organisation and turned the National Guard from an organ of the state into an instrument of subversion. Whenever, from time to time, I complained to Athens about unbecoming conduct by Greek officers of the National Guard, the reply was that if I had concrete evidence in proof thereof those found guilty would be recalled. From the whole tenor of their attitude, I received the unmistakable impression that their standard response was a pretence of innocence. A few days ago documents came into the hands of the Cyprus police clearly proving that 'EOKA B' was an appendage of the Athens regime.
Funds were being remitted from Athens for the upkeep of this organisation and detailed directives regarding its actions were also given to it. I then found it necessary myself to address a letter to the President of the Greek regime, General Gizikis, asking him to give orders for the cessation of the violence and bloodshed by 'EOKA B' and for its dissolution. I also requested him to recall the Greek officers serving with the National Guard, adding that my intention was to reduce the numerical strength of this force and to turn it into an organ of the Cyprus State. I was waiting for a reply. My impression was that the Athens regime did not favour the reduction of the force, much less the withdrawal of the Greek officers.
The Greek Ambassador in Cyprus called on me, on instructions from his Government, in order to explain to me that the decrease in the numerical strength of the National Guard or the withdrawal of the Greek officers would weaken the defence of Cyprus in case of danger from Turkey. This was an argument which, even though it appeared logical, was not convincing because I knew that behind this argument other interests were hidden. I replied that as things developed I consider the danger from Turkey of a lesser degree than the danger from them. And it was proved that my fears were justified.
On Saturday, 13 July, a conference under the presidency of General Gizikis was held in Athens, which lasted for many hours. It was attended by the Greek Chief of Staff of the armed forces, the Ambassador of Greece to Cyprus, the commander of the National Guard with the purpose of discussing the content of my letter. As was stated in a relevant communiqué' issued at the end of this conference, it was to be reconvened on Monday, 15 July. The reference in the communiqué' to a second conference was deceiving. For a while on Monday I was waiting for a reply to my letter, the reply came, and it was the coup.
On that day, I returned from my summerhouse on the Troodos Mountains, where I had spent the weekend, and by 8 a.m. I was at my office at the Presidential Palace. Half an hour later I was welcoming in the reception room a group of boys and girls, members of the Greek Orthodox Youth from Cairo who came to Cyprus as my guests for a five days. Hardly had I greeted them when the first shots were heard. Within seconds the shots became more frequent and a member of the Presidential Guard informed me that armoured cars and tanks had passed the fence and were already in the yard of the Presidential Palace, which was shaking from mortar shells. The situation soon became critical I tried to call the Cyprus radio station for the purpose of issuing a special broadcast announcing that the Presidential Palace was under attack, but I realised that the lines were cut off. Heavy shelling was ever increasing. How my life was saved seemed like a providential miracle. When I eventually found myself in the area of Paphos, I addressed the people of Cyprus from a local radio station informing them that I am alive and that will struggle with them against the dictatorship, which the Greek regime is trying to impose.
I do not intend to occupy the time of the members of the Security Council with my personal adventure. I simply wish to add that during the second day of the armed attack the armoured cars and tanks were moving towards Paphos, while at the same time a small warship of the National Guard began shelling the Bishophric of Paphos where I was staying. Under the circumstances, I found it advisable to leave Cyprus rather than fall into the hands of the Greek junta.
I am grateful to the British Government, which made available a helicopter to pick me up from Paphos, transfer me to the British bases, and from there by plane to Malta and London. I am also grateful to the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and to the Commander of the Peace-Keeping Force in Cyprus for the interest, which they had shown for my safety. My presence in this room of the Security Council was made possible thanks to the help given to me by the British Government and the representatives of the Secretary-General, Dr. Waldheim, whose keen concern for me and for the critical situation which developed in Cyprus moves every fibre of my heart.
I do not know as yet all the details of the Cyprus crisis caused by the Greek military regime. I am afraid that the number of casualties is large and that the material destruction is heavy. What is, however, our primary concern at present is the ending of the tragedy.
When I reached London, I was informed of the content of the speech of the representative of the Greek junta to the United Nations. I was surprised at the way they are trying to deceive world public opinion. Without a blush, the Greek junta is making efforts to simplify the situation, claiming that it is not involved in the armed attack and that the developments of the last few days are an internal matter of the Greek Cypriots.
I do not believe that there are people who accept the allegations of the Greek military regime. The coup did not come about under such circumstances as to be considered an internal matter of the Greek Cypriots. It is clearly an invasion from outside, in flagrant violation of the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus. The so-called coup was the work of the Greek officers staffing and commanding the National Guard. I must also underline the fact that the Greek contingent, composed of 950 officers and men stationed in Cyprus by virtue of the Treaty of Alliance, played a predominant role in this aggressive affair against Cyprus. The capture of the airport outside the capital was carried out by officers and men of the Greek contingent campaign near the airport.
It is enough to state on this point that certain photographs appearing in the world press show armoured vehicles and tanks belonging to the Greek contingent in Cyprus. On the other hand, the Greek officers serving with the National Guard were directing the operations. In these operations, they recruited many members of the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B', whom they armed with weapons of the National Guard.
If the Greek officers serving in the National Guard were not involved, how does one explain the fact that among the casualties in battle were Greek officers whose remains were transported to Greece and buried there? If Greek officers did not carry out the coup, how does one explain the fact of night flights of Greek aircraft transporting to Cyprus personnel in civilian clothes and taking back to Greece dead and wounded men? There is no doubt that the coup was organised by the Greek junta and was carried out by the Greek officers commanding the National Guard and by the officers and men of the Greek contingent stationed in Cyprus - and it was reported as such by the press around the globe.
The coup caused much bloodshed and took a great toll of human lives. It was faced with the determined resistance of the legal security forces and the resistance of the Greek people of Cyprus. I can say with certainty that the resistance and the reaction of the Greek Cypriot people against the conspirators will not end until there is a restoration of their freedom and democratic rights. The Cypriot people will never bow to dictatorship, even though for the moment the brutal force of the armoured cars and tanks may have prevailed.
After the coup, the agents of the Greek regime in Cyprus appointed a well-known gun-man, Nicos Samson as President, who in turn appointed as ministers known elements and supporters of the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B'.
It may be alleged that what took place in Cyprus is a revolution and that a Government was established based on revolutionary law. This is not the case. No revolution took place in Cyprus, which could be considered as an internal matter. It was an invasion, which violated the independence and the sovereignty of the Republic. And the invasion is continuing so long as there are Greek officers in Cyprus. The results of this invasion will be catalytic for Cyprus if there is no return to constitutional normality and if democratic freedoms are not restored.
For the purpose of misleading world public opinion, the military regime of Greece announced yesterday the gradual replacement of the Greek officers of the National Guard. But the issue is not their replacement; the issue is their withdrawal. The gesture of replacement has the meaning of admission that the Greek officers now serving in the National Guard were those who carried out the coup. Those officers, however, did not act on their own initiative but upon instructions from Athens, and their replacements will also follow instructions from the Athens regime. Thus the National Guard will always remain an instrument of the Greek military regime, and I am certain that the members of the Security Council understand this ploy.
It may be said that it was the Cyprus Government, which invited the Greek officers to staff the National Guard. I regret to say that it was a mistake on my part to bestow upon them so much trust and confidence. They abused that trust and confidence and, instead of helping in the defence of the Island's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, they themselves became the aggressors.
I am obliged to say that the policy of the military regime in Greece towards Cyprus, and particularly towards the Greek Cypriots, has been insincere. I wish to stress that it was a policy of duplicity.
For some time talks were going on between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots in search of a peaceful solution to the Cyprus problem, which on many occasions has occupied the time of the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations. The representative of the Secretary General and two constitutional experts from Greece and Turkey have been attending the talks. The Security Council has repeatedly renewed, twice yearly, the mandate of the peace-keeping force in Cyprus, expressing every time hope for a speedy solution of the problem.
It cannot be said that up to now the progress of the talks has been satisfactory. But how could there be any progress in the talks while the policy on Cyprus of the regime in Athens has been double-faced? It was agreed by all the parties concerned that the talks were taking place on the basis of independence. The regime of Athens also agreed to that, and time and again the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs declared that the position of Greece on this issue was clear. If that were the case, why had the military regime of Greece created and supported the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B', whose purpose was stated to be the union of Cyprus with Greece and whose members called themselves 'unionists'?
Inside the camps of the National Guard, the Greek officers continually charged that while Enosis was feasible its realisation was undermined by me. When reminded that Greece had made its position clear on this and that it supported independence, their reply was that no attention should be given to the words of diplomats. Under such circumstances how was it possible for the talks to arrive at a positive result? The double-faced policy of the Greek regime was one of the main obstacles to the progress of the talks.
In the circumstances that have now been created in Cyprus, I cannot foresee the prospects of the talks. I would rather say that there are no prospects at all. An agreement that may be reached by the talks would be devoid of any value because there is no elected leadership to deal with the matter. The coup d'etat of the military regime of Greece constitutes an arrest of the progress of the talks towards a solution.
Moreover, it will be a continuous source of anomaly in Cyprus, the repercussions of which will be very grave and far reaching, if this situation is permitted to continue even for a short time.
I appeal to the members of the Security Council to do their utmost to put an end to this anomalous situation, which was created by the coup of Athens. I call upon the Security Council to use all ways and means at its disposal so that the constitutional order in Cyprus and the democratic rights of the people of Cyprus can be reinstated without delay.
As I have already stated, the events in Cyprus do not constitute an internal matter of the Greeks of Cyprus. The Turks of Cyprus are also affected. The coup of the Greek junta is an invasion, and from its consequences the whole people of Cyprus suffers, both Greeks and Turks.The United Nations has a peace-keeping force stationed in Cyprus. It is not possible for the role of that peace-keeping force to be effective under conditions of a military coup. The Security Council should call upon the military regime of Greece to withdraw from Cyprus the Greek officers serving in the National Guard, and to put an end to its invasion of Cyprus.
I think that, with what I have placed before you, I have given a picture of the situation. I have no doubt that an appropriate decision of the Security Council will put an end to the invasion and restore the violated independence of Cyprus and the democratic rights of the Cypriot people.
[1] Άρθρο 2(4) του Καταστατικού Χάρτη του ΟΗΕ (το οποίον αποτελεί αναγκαστικό (jus cogens) έναντι πάντων (erga omnes) κανόνα του διεθνούς δικαίου) και Άρθρο 6, Δίκη της Νυρεμβέργης, Χάρτης Διεθνούς Στρατοδικείου.
[2] Άρθρο 103 του Καταστατικού Χάρτη του ΟΗΕ: Σε περίπτωση κατά την οποίαν υπάρχει σύγκρουση μεταξύ των υποχρεώσεων των κρατών μελών του ΟΗΕ έναντι του Καταστατικού Χάρτη του ΟΗΕ και των υποχρεώσεών των έναντι οιασδήποτε άλλης διεθνούς συμφωνίας, οι υποχρεώσεις των κρατών μελών έναντι του Καταστατικού Χάρτη υπερισχύουν. [Charter of the UN, Article 103: In the event of a conflict between the obligations of the Members of the United Nations under the present Charter and their obligations under any other international agreement, their obligations under the present Charter shall prevail.]
[3] Ο τουρκικός στόλος ευρίσκετο ήδη εν πλώ προς την Κύπρο προ της ενάρξεως της ομιλίας του Αρχιεπισκόπου Μακαρίου ενώπιον του ΣΑ του ΟΗΕ.
[4] Κατά την ιστορική διαδρομή του Αρχιεπισκόπου Μακαρίου, εκτός από επιτεύγματα υπέρ των Ελλήνων της Κύπρου (όπως π.χ. η στρατιωτική νίκη κατά της τουρκανταρσίας/επιδρομής και η εν συνεχεία διπλωματική νίκη κατά της Τουρκίας και της δορυφόρου της, «τουρκοκυπριακής» ηγεσίας, με την έκδοση του ψηφίσματος 186(1964)* από το ΣΑ του ΟΗΕ), έχουν καταγραφεί και πράξεις ή παραλήψεις οι οποίες έχουν αποβεί εις βάρος των. Όπως π.χ. η μη πρόληψη και μη αποτροπή του πραξικοπήματος, καθώς και η παγίδευση σε «διακοινοτικές συνομιλίες» το 1977 (και μάλιστα του ιδίου του Προέδρου της ΚΔ αυτοπροσώπως ως συνομιλητού) και η «αποδοχή» στις «διακοινοτικές συνομιλίες» της «ανεξαρτήτου και αδεσμεύτου δικοινοτικής ομοσπόνδου δημοκρατίας», η οποία βεβαίως «αποδοχή» ωχριά εν σχέσει με τις θέσεις/παραχωρήσεις/κατολισθήσεις** των Βασιλείου, Κληρίδη, Χριστόφια. Ο ισχυρισμός όμως ότι ο Αρχιεπίσκοπος Μακάριος εκάλεσε την Τουρκία να επέμβει στην νήσο είναι παντελώς αστήρικτος και εξυπηρετεί το τουρκικό επιτελείο παραπληροφορήσεως και διαστρεβλώσεως της ιστορικής αληθείας προς όφελος της Τουρκίας.
* Η ΚΔ κατοχυρώθη ως κυρίαρχο και ανεξάρτητο κράτος μέλος του ΟΗΕ με το ψήφισμα 186 (1964) του ΣΑ του ΟΗΕ, παρά την αποχώρηση των «Τουρκοκυπρίων» από την κυβέρνηση της ΚΔ μετά την εκδήλωση κατά τον Δεκέμβριο του 1963 της εκ προμελέτης (οργανωμένης και καθοδηγουμένης από την Τουρκίαν) αποτυχημένης ανταρσίας/επιδρομής των, η οποία απεσκόπη (σε πρώτο στάδιο) στην διάλυση της ΚΔ και στον έλεγχο μεγάλων εδαφικών εκτάσεων και επίτευξη της διχοτομήσεως της νήσου. Με την υιοθέτηση του εν λόγω ψηφίσματος από το ΣΑ του ΟΗΕ κατερρίφθη επίσης και ο ισχυρισμός της Τουρκίας και της εκ της ιδίας πλήρως ελεγχομένης «τουρκοκυπριακής» ηγεσίας, ότι δήθεν η ΚΔ απετέλη μόρφωμα «συνεταιρισμού» και εφόσον ο ένας εκ των δύο συνεταίρων απεχώρησε, (το μόρφωμα «συνεταιρισμού») δεν υφίστατο πλέον.
** Η διάπραξη του σφάλματος της «αποδοχής» της «ανεξαρτήτου και αδεσμεύτου δικοινοτικής ομοσπόνδου δημοκρατίας» το 1977 ουδόλως δικαιολογεί την υποτροποίαση και διαιώνισή του και ουδόλως δικαιολογεί την μη διόρθωσή του, ιδίως μάλιστα εν έτι 2012 σε πλήρως διαφορετικές συνθήκες.
[5] Δύο ημέρες μετά την έναρξη της «2ας φάσεως» της τουρκικής εισβολής υπήρξε και νέα ρητή καταδίκη από το ΣΑ του ΟΗΕ στο ψήφισμα 360(1974-08-16): «The Security Council… records its formal disapproval of the unilateral military actions undertaken against the Republic of Cyprus. …»
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